The Imagery Of Clowns: The Art Of Saira Wasim - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1808_0_25_0_C38)

"I believe art and freedom of expression can be used to propagate Islam and create awareness in society," says Pakistani-American artist Saira Wasim.

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By Zahir Janmohamed, October 23, 2006

While Islamic art has historically been a rich and varied practice that was encouraged and celebrated throughout the Muslim world, the form has been stifled and discouraged in recent times, especially when it comes to open artistic and political expression. As a result, few Muslim artists have been noticed outside their communities or countries, and even fewer non-Muslims have seen compelling examples of contemporary art from the Muslim world. However, the work of New York based Pakistani artist Saira Wasim is proving to be an exception.

Her work has been described by the New York Times as "exquisite political cartoons that conjure William Hogarth and sometimes borrow directly from Norman Rockwell." Art historian Anna Sloan has said about Wasim that the "contradictions of scale intrinsic to her epic miniatures serve us well in a time of need, bearing witness to tragedies both personal and Dantean in scope."

Wasim's works are part of a current exhibit at the Asia Society in New York called "One Way or Another: Asian American Art Now", which "brings together seventeen artists from across the country who challenge and extend the category of Asian American art. The title of the exhibition, inspired by the 1970s Blondie hit, suggests that there has never been a formulaic way of making or seeing art, either back then or now. Instead, these artists initiate a new set of conversations that highlight the multidimensional ways of conceptualizing and producing art today."

Wasim work both embraces and bends convention by invoking the genre of Mughal miniatures. "She returns," writes Newsweek, "consciously to the tradition of classical Mughal miniature painting. But instead of the hunting, battles and royal entertainments those works depicted, she chooses as her subjects Bush and Blair, Cheney and Rumsfeld, the Iraq war."

Zahir Janhomamed, associate editor of alt.muslim, recently interviewed Wasim to ask her about the imagery and inspiration for her paintings and about the place of the artist within the Muslim community.

What particularly draws you to using themes of Mughal miniatures?

I got my bachelor degree in Miniature paintingfrom the National College of Arts in Lahore, Pakistan. It is worth mentioning that this institute teaches many things to its students, including the importance to locate oneself, our identity in the Indian subcontinent, and examine our role in a global context, especially after 9/11.

I took on miniature painting because I felt more comfortable expressing myself in this discipline. I prefer to express myself using a Mughal style because its strongly narrative and it relates to our own cultural behavior/context within South Asia. Its reflects the South Asian theme of telling stories not only orally, but visually, too. So the medium leaves a lot of room to express oneself. If we are talking about political art, then Mughal arena is the best medium to use.

What's interesting is that each Mughal emperor used this art form for their own political propaganda to glorify their deeds or reign. Sometimes it's very much similar to what certain governments (or channels/newspapers) do with the media, using them for their own political reasons.

In one of your works, you depict Pakistan President General Musharraf riding a merry go round wearing slippers. In another, you show him with Shiva like arms. In another, he is wearing a clown-like costume. Can you explain your use of this imagery? What does it suggest about Musharraf?

It's not something personal about Musharraf. I have a deep respect for him, as he is the president of my country, Pakistan.

But I love to listen to how an ordinary man who has no role in government or policy perceives politics. In fact, most of my political works are derived by hearing discussions of common people on politics.

As for this particular piece, "Marry Go Round," the carousel represents the basic constitutional structure of Pakistan, which is a strong, military regime. The carousal is something that keeps moving and it represents how Pakistan has never able to escape from this ever repeating cycle of military rule.

The idea behind the slippers is to show the irony within Pakistan. Although Pakistan is a nuclear state, its national debt is over forty billion dollars, with annual spending on defense at over $3.5 billion a year. So these slippers show that despite all this, Pakistan is still a poor state with its leaders spending exuberantly and living in luxury

Another great thing about miniature painting is this that it allows the artist to access certain tools, symbols, and vocabulary, which have roots in South Asia history.

For example, some sacred animals and imaginary symbols (like the loin, goat, halo behind the emperor, or symbol of Shiva) are all symbols found within South Asia.

In the piece, "Buzkashi" (goat-grabbing), the painting depicts the "One Man Show" of the military dictator of Pakistan, Pervez Musharaf, sitting on a presidential throne with his imperialism shown with four arms, like the Hindu god Shiva.

The basic constitutional structure of the country evolving around his regime with army generals are celebrating 'martial law' by dancing and wearing Hawaiian sandals. Here the goat symbolizes an innocent public.

As for the imagery of clowns, I never painted Musharraf as a clown but in an environment of clowns. In "Friendship of India and Pakistan-Agra Declaration" Musharraf and former Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee are shown as entertainers but still in military uniform. In fact, I think I have always painted Musharraf in a military uniform, with some paintings showing him with a tiger skin, which represents the extreme power of the military dictatorship in Pakistan.

It's less a statement about Musharraf than it is about the political structure of Pakistan, which seems to be trapped in this carousel-like repetition of history.

How has your work been received in Pakistan? In the US? Have you had much support - if at all - from the Muslim community for your work?

There has always been a misunderstood response from both American and Pakistani audiences. But I take criticism positively because itmakes my work grow.

As for the Muslim community, I don't know. As I mentioned, the work is often misunderstood. Sometimes when people don't understand what the actual picture is conveying, it leads to a negative response.

One of my favorite works of yours is the piece "Lamentation of the Innocence (Genocide)". Can you describe the imagery in this piece?

The idea was taken from the ubiquitous persecution and crime against humanity.

It features figures lay in a huddle mound; animals intertwined with humans all are caught together in a net of death. It offers a simple picture of senseless slaughter of innocence.

What do you think the importance is of art that engages contemporary issues? After the recent cartoon crisis, do you find increased challenges in using art as a vehicle to comment on political affairs that affect Muslims?

Art has always been used as an important vehicle for cultural expression throughout the ages. Much has been said through art about social issues. Likewise, it has also been used as political propaganda of the state because history tells us that artist has always been under a strong state intrusion. I believe that the freedom that is granted artists should be used positively to wake people up against ignorance, to engage people in a certain dialogue for the betterment of humanity. This is what I intend to do through with these tiny paintings.

But unfortunately, there has often been a denial and a very strong condemnation against artistic values and creativity in many Islamic sates. But I believe art and freedom of expression can be used to propagate Islam and create awareness in society. Of course, there is always a limit or a certain boundary, though, from where the artist shouldn't proceed. Prophets and sacred figures of all religions should be excluded from this critical depiction.

If we look at the cartoons in the newspaper Jylland-Posten with a critical eye, they neither had any aesthetic or artistic appeal or any truth about the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). It was just an attempt to insult our Prophet and to hurt Muslims' feelings all over the world.

Recently, I did a painting on the Danish cartoon controversy called "Ignorance is Bliss". It portrays prejudice of the west towards the Muslim world, and vice versa.

Unfortunately Muslims all over the world didn't respond to the Danish cartoons according to the teaching of Islam or the way Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught us. By those furious riots, we gave the enemies of Islam further opportunities to mock the teachings of Islam. It's my humble plea to Muslims to unite and answer such ridiculous judgments and criticism against Islam and our Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) peacefully, with reason and logic.

We need to believe in jihad with the pen and brush, not missiles or violence.

Zahir Janmohamed is the co-founder of The Qunoot Foundation and associate editor of alt.muslim.

A Look Back At The 2005 Kashmir Quake - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1799_0_25_0_C38)

One year later, the effects of the 2005 Kashmir earthquake still linger, long after the news cameras have gone. Shenaaz Janmohamed reports back from Pakistan.

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By Zahir Janmohamed, October 9, 2006

One year ago, a devastating earthquake struck Kashmir, killing nearly 75,000 and leaving nearly 3.3 million homeless. While many efforts were made to alleviate the immediate humanitarian disaster, the work is still unfinished. alt.muslim's associate editor Zahir Janmohamed recently interviewed his sister Shenaaz, a graduate student at the University of Michigan's School of Social Work, to talk about her experiences in helping the victims of last year's South Asia earthquake, and what remains to be done.

Describe the work you have done since the earthquake in South Asia.

I traveled throughout much of northern Pakistan in the summer of 2005. After I heard about the devastating earthquake that happened on October 8, 2005, I worked with some colleagues to start a drive to raise money to purchase tents for the displaced victims in Pakistan.

I returned in December 2005 and again this summer for a Photovoice project. Photovoice is a participatory arts methodology whereby local citizens - in this case children - are equipped with cameras and photography lessons. They are then given the opportunity to explore these tools as a means of capturing and documenting their environment and experiences.

I paired up with the Aga Khan Development Network and focused our project in the Chakama Valley of Pakistan controlled Kashmir during August of 2006.

To conclude the project, the youth presented their photographs, artwork, and performances for community and family members.

A year after the earthquake, how are the conditions in Pakistan?

Conditions in northern Pakistan vary dramatically depending on where you are located. This past summer while I was working in Kashmir, I expected to see a certain level of advancement in recovery - mostly because I was comparing the ground situation to that of Mansehra, where I was based in December. However in Kashmir - especially very near the "Line of Control" - the people only received aid this past April. That is over six months after the initial earthquake!

In larger cities like Muzaffarbad and Mansehra, there is still a large presence of international NGOs. However, it seemed to me that there was an increasing involvement by local Pakistani NGOs who are trying to move away from a model international dependency towards more self-sustainability.

According to an article in the International Herald Tribune, the 7.6 earthquake killed 80,000 people and displaced 3 million. The paper reports that "Many of the 2,000 children who lost limbs, fingers or toes in the earthquake or its aftermath are still waiting for prosthetics, and funding is scarce." Over 300,000 people still live in makeshift shelter. Both the government and the international community need to do more to respond to these needs.

What is your assessment of the government of Pakistan's response to the victims of the earthquake? What about the international community's response?

The Pakistani response has been mediocre, at best. It is true that much of the infrastructure was not in place to support the level of aid and services needed to respond to the earthquake. That being said, the Pakistani government still insists on dedicating a majority of their spending on military and defense, instead of investing in the people. People affected "received" an arbitrary monetary check as a means to recover their losses, when they need resources and development, not money in which they have no capacity and access to use.

Much of the frustration still lingers today. Most recently, for example, protests were staged in Islamabad the day before the one-year anniversary—demanding justice and an end to corruption.

The international community has also had their share of mishaps. I saw many international NGOs treat people with a lack of dignity. Many adopted a colonialist perspective of "saving" those affected. Many of these groups did not promote citizen participation or value the voices of the Pakistani people as legitimate agents of change. Nor did I see these NGOs use this opportunity to help communities become more sustainable.

What are some of the key issues that you saw in dealing with the survivors?

I saw a lack of participation. The centralization of power by a military dictator is inherently problematic. This domination affects all aspects of life - even how people respond to disasters. It takes time to break norms and to create an environment where peoples' voices are truly valued and incorporated as legitimate sources of knowledge.

For example, some Muslim clerics in part of earthquake-hit Pakistani Kashmir have told aid agencies to fire all local women employees or face violent protests because many conservative Muslims did not want local women working with international workers.

So on many levels, it's going to take time to heal the affected areas.

What was your experience like working with some of the children?

The children were incredibly resilient and strong. At the same time, this experience deeply affected their psyche - their sense of confidence was diminished and their sense of personal safety was shattered. I saw them approach everything with urgency, as there is a fear that tomorrow will never come.

What lessons can be learned about the response to the earthquake?

There needs to be more attention on Pakistan as a viable country with possibilities, instead of constantly looking at it through the lens of terrorism, madrassas etc. As long as certain political actors - both Pakistani and non-Pakistani - continue to concern themselves only with Pakistan's security problems, people in the villages and in rural areas will continue to suffer. The Kashmiris, for example, have not been able to enjoy any sense of security for many years now.

What can be done to help out?

We need to remember that the earthquake is not a problem of the past. A year later, nearly 300,000 remain displaced while Pakistan's military continues to grow. We need to continue to talk about the earthquake and to talk about Pakistan critically. People tend to become very defense of Pakistan, which is partially understandable as it is constantly misrepresented. However unless we engage in critical dialogue about the government and the countrys' development challenges, Pakistan's status quo will remain.

And the earthquake has shown us that the status quo is not working.

Zahir Janmohamed is the co-founder of The Qunoot Foundation and associate editor of alt.muslim.

Life, Class, and Art in "Man Push Cart" - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1790_0_25_0_C38)

Ramin Bahrani deserves credit not only for creating a film that implores us to ask important questions but also reminds us of why it is so easy to ignore them.

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By Zahir Janmohamed, September 25, 2006

Like the customers who frequent a New York City street cart but are separated by a plastic window from the vendor inside, "Man Push Cart" gives us enough of a glimpse into the life of an immigrant laborer to remind us of the distance that separates people and especially classes in the United States.

The film, the directorial debut from Iranian-American film maker Ramin Bahrani, focuses on the story of Ahmad, a push cart vendor played brilliantly by Ahmad Razvi (himself once a street vendor). But similar to the snippets of information we might gather about from a taxi driver during a conversation on a 20 minute ride, we learn very little about the film’s protagonist. This is the film’s greatest strength.

In one scene, Bahrani takes us inside Ahmad's cart and we see a close up of a of a coffee cup, with the upper half of a woman's face in the background, talking to her friend as she waits for her bagel. Rather than have her voice drown out the noise of the coffee machine (as we might hear if we were the customer), we instead hear the slow drip of the coffee machine and the near silent movements of Ahmad within the cart. It's a telling visual that Bahrani is wise enough not to cloud with needless words. Part of this, no doubt, is homage to the great Iranian film maker Abbas Kiarostami - whom Bahrani credits for teaching him - to “say the most with the least” and to pay “attention to ‘life’ as opposed to the roller coasters of melodrama.”

As a result, the film wisely focuses on the imagery of the daily rigor and monotony of Ahmad’s life. In a scene that repeats throughout the film, we see Ahmad waking up at 2:30am, stock his food cart, and pull it through the streets of New York as cars pass by without notice. We do not, however, hear Ahmad talk throughout these scenes and as a result, the viewer is left to write his/her own script about what Ahmad may be thinking. It’s a clever tactic that retains a bit of distance between us and Ahmad, one that plays out much like when we see cart vendors in our own lives and often wonder (that is if we chose to wonder) what path may have led them to that profession. In another scene, we see Ahmad carrying around a petroleum gas tank, something he carries for most of the film, including in one scene when he goes out to a Karaoke bar. It’s a striking image that makes us examine how Ahmad’s profession defines and stigmatizes him, even when he is not at his stand.

What makes “Man Push Cart” resonate is the powerful performance by Razvi. In an interview with the director, Bahrani talks about how he made Razvi unload equipment, pull the street cart, and minimize his sleep during the shooting so that he could “exhaust him over the course of filming, just as his character was in life.” The result is that Razvi character has a glazed look of absence and fatigue that greatly enhances the look of the film.

Soon Ahmad meets Mohamed, a wealthy New Yorker, who also hails from Lahore like Ahmad. They both exchange a few words and both confess that they have lived away from Pakistan for “too long to stay.” Mohamed, skillfully played by Charles Daniel Sandoval, later employs Ahmad to work odd chores around his spacious New York apartment. Mohamed shows little regard for Ahmad until he realizes that Ahmad was once a famous rock star in Pakistan - “the Bono of Pakistan” - and that the two even attended many of the same parties in Lahore. It’s a revelation that alters the dynamic between Mohamed and Ahmad. Suddenly Mohamed now wants to hang out with Ahmad and even offers “to help in any way.”

The interaction between Mohamed and Ahmad is a deft commentary on classism within South Asian culture and Bahrani deserves credit for unraveling the dynamics of status within Pakistani society. While Mohamed shows newfound interest in his “friend”, Ahmad never quite reciprocates the friendship or trust. It’s a telling example of how upper class immigrants often feel an affinity towards their lower class countrymen that they do not reciprocate.

Watching Ahmad’s cautious distance between Mohamed, I recalled the many times when I often try to strike up a conversation with a Muslim (or South Asian or Arab) taxi driver only to be sometimes rebuffed by a rude or oblivious response. But is this trepidation not justified? While we may be eager to talk up our neighborhood halal cart vendor or Muslim taxi driver, would we do the same if we saw that person, say, at the mosque?

The strength of “Man Push Cart” is that although we may want the director to make us see the world as a street vendor, Bahraini instead casts us as the customer - albeit a customer with a more intimate view into a laborer’s life. The result is that the viewer is left not only to piece together Ahmad’s life (Why did his wife die? Why did he come to the US?) but also to ask why don’t we know more about people like Ahmad? What barriers exist in our own lives that prevent us from exploring his story?

Bahrani deserves credit not only for creating a film that implores us to ask these questions but also reminds of why it is so easy to ignore them.

Zahir Janmohamed is the co-founder of The Qunoot Foundation and Associate Editor of alt.muslim. "Man Push Cart" is now playing in select US cinemas and opens in the UK on October 6th.

Movie Review: "Islam: What The West Needs To Know" - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1742_0_25_0_C38)

Zahir Janmohamed tells you what you need to know about a new documentary that purports to, well, tell you what you need to know about Islam.

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By Zahir Janmohamed, July 17, 2006

In my favorite scene in the film Monty Python and the Holy Grail, a group of villagers brings forward a woman who they accuse of being a witch. They reason that since witches burn because they are made of wood and if wood, like a duck, floats, that: "If... she... weighs... the same as a duck... she's made of wood... And therefore?... A witch!"

If this same flawed logic is employed, then Islam: What the West Needs to Know can properly be considered a film. It is slapped together with the same cinematic finesse as an in-flight safety video and peppered with special "effects" and talking head "experts" one would only find in a Monty Python skit and, well, this "film."

The producers are Quixotic Media, an unnamed team (at least on their website) that "seeks to take on issues of social significance that major media will not." The end credits list the producers/directors as Gregory M. Davis and Bryan Daly, both people with names generic enough that my Google searches did not produce any information about them, nor does their website says much else about them and I should note looks as if it has been put together by a seventh grade student begrudgingly taking a web site design class. (Note #1 to producers: fire your web designer.)

The central thesis of the film is that contrary to what western leaders may say, Islam is not a religion of peace. The film starts with a series of clips from President Bush and Prime Minister Blair who each say that Islam is not a religion of violence. The film's website notes, "Virtually every major Western leader has over the past several years expressed the view that Islam is a peaceful religion and that those who commit violence in its name are fanatics who misinterpret its tenets." Aside from Bush's problematic understanding of peace (in which even the likes of Ariel Sharon is called a man of "peace"), the directors fail to see how statements like this often constitute political posturing meant to distract from often bellicose, discriminatory, or lop-sided policy. The films two clips of Bush and Blair are, ironically, speeches announcing the commencement of the Iraq war. They also fail to to mention that many western leaders - Silvio Berlusconi, Vladimir Putin, General Boykin, for example - have made little effort to hide their contempt for Islam and its adherents.

The directors believe we have been duped. The result is a comically self-righteousness 98-minute film that seeks to correct (and to warn) the west one simple thing: Islam is not what you think. It's a religion of violence. "What part of kill don't you understand?" one "expert" says, looking deadpan. It's a priceless moment that should ideally be punctuated by a scene of a burly man taking a large bite out of an oversized, chicken drumstick.

The film is divided into six parts, each part bearing a catchy name like "more than a religion." Interspersed between the interviews with the film's six or seven "experts," are quotes from the Qur'an or hadith read by the film's narrator who would win hands down in a contest to impersonate Steven Colbert's fake news voice. As the narrator speaks, we see the shot of a fuzzy Mughal miniature, which truthfully looks like an ancient rendition of Jimi Hendrix and his burning guitar. (Note #2 to producers: invest in a better scanner and art research department next time.)

But a summer film would be remiss without special effects and "Islam: What the West Needs to Know" is not without them. In my favorite segment, we see a bird's eye view of a computer generated world map as the narrator talks about the conquest of Islam throughout the world. Each time the narrator mentions a country that Muslims invaded, a small fire lights up in that country. Did the producers really expect to include such sophomoric tricks and yet also be taken seriously? (Note #3 to producers: Qatar is missing on one of your maps.)

Aside from the film's homage to cheesy South Asian wedding video special effects, we are subjected to hearing five or six talking heads offering their "expertise." One of them is Robert Spencer, a Frontpage magazine columnist and current director of JihadWatch. He sprinkles his observations about Islam with a liberal use of Arabic terms, as if somehow this is supposed to impress us. There can be a peaceful Muslim, he tells us, but not a peaceful Islam. Later in the film, he credits Edward Said as someone who Islamized Middle Eastern Studies in the US and wrote his seminal Orientalism to silence critics of Islam. It's a scene that is more embarrassing than offensive.

Another expert we hear from his Srđa Trifković, a Serbian historian who served as a spokesman for the Bosnian Serbian government. He has called the rape of Bosnian women "entirely fictitious" and once said, "For a Christian the real task is to help our fellow humans who are trapped in Islam and to help them become free." His comments in the film are so absurd that to respond would only be to give credence to his assertion of being a "historian."

The film does, however, have its redeeming moments. Bat Ye'or, an Egyptian born British Jew whose books include titles like The Decline of Eastern Christianity under Islam, offers a useful grammatical lesson on to use the word infidel in a sentence. She sprinkles her commentary with sentences like "Islam is a religion started to fight infidelity and to bully infidels until they rid the infidels of their infidelity." Its no wonder that Sidney H. Griffith in the International Journal of Middle East Studies writes of her: "The problems one has with the book are basically twofold: the theoretical inadequacy of the interpretive concepts jihad and dhimmitude, as they are employed here; and the want of historical method in the deployment of the documents which serve as evidence for the conclusions reached in the study. There is also an unfortunate polemical tone in the work."

My favorite commentator in the "film" is Walid Shoebat, author of Why I left Jihad. A native of Palestine, he compares joining a Palestinian terrorist group to rushing a fraternity. "The martyrdom applications were full," he says. "We had initiation ceremonies which included killing a Jew." But his story lacks credibility. Perhaps this is because he seems too eager to denigrate his old self in order to self-aggrandize his present post-Islam enlightenment. In one scene, he talks about watching CNN at work during the first Gulf, when he was still a terrorist sympathizer. "Watching the TV with my colleagues at work I had to restrain my excitement when I saw the American targets being hit by Sadaam," he said. "I would drive home from work with my windows open, put my head out the window, and shout Allah-u Akbar the entire way home," he says. It's a visual that just begs comparison to Jim Carrey's driving antics in "Ace Ventura." The question is - how do you go from that form of (silly) zealotry to Fox News Islam basher and Zionist apologist in just ten years?

There are many more oddities like this in the film, including clips of Muslims speaking at rallies and Friday prayers, etc. One of the clips, to the credit of the producers, is powerful and disturbing because it shows a group of British Muslims who chant that they will destroy England and then take their women as war booty. But the other clips are odd selections, including one from a Friday prayers at a Sunni, Baathist mosque in Iraq on the eve of US invasion. Should we blame the audience and the khatib for feeling a bit testy just days before the "shock and awe" campaign? (Note #4 to producers: If you want to show Muslims looking bad, you will have to do more than show a bunch of uncles in ill-fitting salwar khamezes. Perhaps you should show footage about honor crimes in Pakistan or sectarian violence in Iraq, both examples of the often-deplorable tendencies of some Muslims.)

How then should Muslims regard this film? To call it offensive is as painstakingly obvious as saying that water is wet. The more important question is whether the film is inciteful. I am disinclined to believe so. Inciteful films - and oddly I have seen a fair share - succeed by emotionally manipulating the audience and directing their rage at a given community, implicitly urging often-violent action. But "Islam: What the West Needs to Know" is benign because it is likely to be regarded as authoritative only by that rare sub-segment of society that finds reality shows like "Wife Swap" to be high culture.

That indeed may be its redeeming quality - the film is as flawed and deceitful as a businessman hawking a pyramid scheme.

And we all know that no one, of course, has ever fallen for a pyramid scheme.

Zahir Janmohamed, co-founder of The Qunoot Foundation, is still trying to figure out the air speed velocity of a swallow carrying a coconut.

A Much Needed Head-Butt - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1738_0_25_0_C38)

In 1998, Zidane emerged a hero for guiding France to victory. Eight years later, Zidane again emerges as a hero, albeit for different reasons.

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By Zahir Janmohamed, July 13, 2006

In the end, Zidane did in fact end his career without regrets. When he head-butted Italian player Marco Materazzi, millions of fans - myself including - all thought it was an action that he would later regret. But in his first interview since the event last Sunday, he apologized to the children around the world who witnessed his reaction but stopped short of showing regret or extending an apology to Matterazzi. "I tried not to listen to him but he repeated them several times," Zidane said. "Sometimes words are harder than blows. When he said it for the third time, I reacted. The reaction must be punished but if there had been no provocation there would have been no reaction."

The question then is what prompted a man who has been called the "Bob Marley of soccer" to respond this way and to later show no remorse?

The best clue to understanding Zidane is to look at his upbringing. The famously shy Zidane was born on June 23, 1972 in the immigrant neighborhoods of Marseille, France, the son of Kabyle Algerian immigrants. He has said of his childhood, "It's hard to explain - I have a need to play intensely every day, to fight every match hard. And this desire never to stop fighting is something I learned in the place I grew up. And, for me, the most important thing is that I still know who I am. Every day I think about where I come from, and I am still proud to be who I am: first, a Kabyle from La Castellane, then an Algerian from Marseille, and then a Frenchman." Much has been written lately of the tough neighborhoods where Zidane grew up of which he says, "I was lucky to come from a difficult area. It teaches you not just about football but also life. There were lots of kids from different races and poor families. People had to struggle to get through the day. Music was important. Football was the easy part."

Football, indeed, did seem like the easy part. He was discovered at age 14 by a talent scout who described him as a "genius" and later went on to careers with the French soccer teams AS Cannes, Bordeaux, Italian team Juventus F.C., and finally Spain's Real Madrid.

Little else, however, is known about him. There are very few details about his wife and kids (unlike the very public Ronaldo or David Beckham whose private lives are perhaps too well known). We do know that for much of his career, he has endured accusations (by players on the field, by fans, and even some by fellow Algerians) that his father was a harki, an offensive Arabic word that, according to Wikipedia, "was the generic Algerian term for Muslim Algerians serving as auxiliaries with the French Army, during the Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962. Reports show that Zidane is particularly close to his father and ascribes much of his work ethic from him. He once told an Algerian journalist, "I'm very inspired by him. It was my father who taught us that an immigrant must work twice as hard as anybody else, that he must never give up."

When France hosted the World Cup in 1998, it was a new France on display. The French team boasted the likes of, as right wing French politician Jean-Marie Le Pen would say, "not very French" players Thiery Henry, Patrick Vieira, Zidane, and others. Off the field, cities like Paris were brimming with large, mostly Arab immigrant populations, many of whom still struggle to find acceptance against the backdrop of France's de jure and de facto discrimination. But despite efforts of the likes of Le Pen to thwart the popularity of the team, the French people then - and even now - stood behind Zidane as he led France to its first World Cup victory. It was Zidane's header then, albeit a legal one, that scored the decisive goals of that game. The next day, an estimated 500,000 people (the largest crowd since the French Revolution, some say) poured onto the Champs-Élysées to honor the French team and specifically Zidane. Many chanted "Zidane pour le president." It was historic moment for to hear the collective chants of Frenchmen routing for a team that was "Black, Blanc et Beur" or black, white and North African.

But the ecumenism after the 1998 World Cup victory did not last long. In October 2001, the comments against Zidane's family escalated to an unbearable level. In a "friendly" match between Algeria and France, the two teams squared off for the first time since Algeria's independence. The purpose of the game was to mend relations and build ties based on a common affinity for soccer. But just the opposite occurred. According to the Observer, "The reality was grotesque. In the lead-up to the match Zidane received death threats. During the game, he was booed and taunted and, he says now, was 'disconcerted' by the posters that read 'Zidane-Harki'. The match was abandoned after a pitch invasion in the second half, with young French Arabs chanting in favor of bin Laden and against the French state. The multicultural adventure launched by the French team of 1998 was in disarray. The far right was on the move."

Fed up by the insulting (and provocative) comments about his father, Zidane later broke his usual silence and said, "I say this once and for all. My father is not a harki. My father is an Algerian, proud of who he is and I am proud my father is Algerian. My father never fought against his country. Being Algerian, and proud of it does not mean that I am not French."

Zidane's new prominence after the 1998 World Cup prompted a flurry of political, religious, ethnic, and national groups to try to use him as their spokesman. But Zidane was not interested, saying famously that he had "no message."

This did not stop the likes of France's right wing Jean-Marie Le Pen from calling Zidane a "a son of French Algeria," implying that somehow France's brutal colonization of Algeria somehow deserves credit for producing a legend like Zidane.

But although Zidane was frequently provoked, he never responded - at least publicly - to the provocation. This was no easy feat, given the unfathomable degree of racism still present in European soccer today. In a riveting ESPN documentary, various players speak about being verbally taunted with monkey chants or being pummeled by bananas from audience members. In one segment, the fans at one Italian game are shown making the Nazi salute, chanting monkey noises and throwing bananas at Ivorian player Marc Zoro. Finally in the middle of the game, Zoro is shown grabbing the game ball and walking off the field in tears. He later told reporters, "I have been playing in Italy for three years and I see this happening almost daily. All this makes me really sad. It's not easy for me and it hurts. I don't deserve this."

Part of the fault is that FIFA has responded lackadasically to incidents of racism. Recently the Spanish national team coach Luis Aragones recently told his player to show England's Rio Ferdinand to "show that black little shit that you are better than him". What compounded the incident was that each time a non-white player on England touched the ball during their "friendly" with Spain, the Spanish crowd would make monkey noises. The fine for Aragones remark? A paltry $4000, the equivalent of a day's wage for him. Some wondered why FIFA did little to reprimand somehow the Spanish fans for their inexcusable behavior.

Of course others insist that the solution is for the players to rise about the racism and not let it affect their player. Politics, it is often said, has no place on the field. But when Thierry Henry walks on a Spanish soccer field and is taunted by monkey chants from the audience, is it Henry that is bringing his politics to the field or the audience? Is it fair to expect him not to respond?

For many American authors, Zidane's event has already been compared to "infamous" moments of rage in sports like Mike Tyson's in- ring ear biting or Bill Lambeer's entire career. But if in fact Matterazzi's provocation were racially tinged, then it might have conjured up a very real experience of enduring racism, discrimination, and xenophobia for Zidane.

Some say Zidane showed more restraint in dealing with these issues in 1998. But consider the events that have transpired since France's 1998 World Cup victory, especially the 2005 French riots, in which one person was killed, 2,888 people were arrested, 8,973 vehicles damaged, and an estimated €200 million in property damages. Much of the anger displayed during that violence was retribution for the overt discrimination against immigrants in France. In an article published on November 2, 2005, the BBC reported, "Racial discrimination is banned in France. But a quick look at the people working in any shop or office suggests the practice is widespread. The impression is confirmed by official statistics. Unemployment among people of French origin is 9.2%. Among those of foreign origin, the figure is 14% - even after adjusting for educational qualifications." According to the French National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies, unemployment overall for university graduates is around 5%, it is 26.5% for "North African" university graduates, many of them French born. If France's embrace of its diverse World Cup team showed that nation's willingness to welcome immigrants to its soccer team, then the rest of French society has yet to show that same acceptance of immigrants in society. At some level, Zidane's head butt was an empowering gesture of protest and intolerance against racism. With ten minutes left in the game, Matterazi's provocation reminded Zidane that no matter how much fame, fortune, or adulation that he acquires, Zidane still confronts racism. Is it fair to blame him for being angry or fed-up?

In 1998, Zidane emerged a hero for guiding France to victory. Eight years later, Zidane again emerges as a hero, albeit for different reasons. This year Zidane did not hold the prestigious World Cup gold trophy, but then again, not all trophies are made of gold.

Zahir Janmohamed, the co-founder of The Qunoot Foundation, never thought he would write an article in defense of a man whose (middle) name is Yazid.

"Everyday Is Ashura, Every Land Is Karbala" - alt.muslim

(Link: http://www.altmuslim.com/perm.php?id=1666_0_25_0_C)

Whereas violence against Shiites manifests itself in the form of targeted killings in Pakistan and in Iraq, violence against Shiites in the U.S. manifests itself in the form of hate speech.

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By Mohamed H. Sabur, February 27, 2006

Growing up as an American Shiite Muslim in the United States, the annual recounting of the killing of Imam Husayn, the third of 12 Shiite Imams to succeed the Prophet Muhammad, had a profound effect on my socialization. What struck me then - and even more now after the Al-Askari Mosque bomb blast - was in learning that Imam Husayn was killed by a purported Muslim, the Umayyad caliph Yazid.

The popular repeated notion in recent years that Islam has been "hijacked" is a foreign construct. As a child, the hijacking of Islam was recounted each year with Imam Husayn's saga. The story engrained in me the notion that the enemy within myself and within my community is far more erosive, far more threatening than any external, non-Muslim threat.

The bombing of the Al-Askari Mosque was not an attack on Shiites, but on the ethos of Shiism itself. While the majority of Sunnis abhor last week's attack, there is a small minority within the Sunni community that is becoming increasingly more violent and more determined to eliminate Shiites (and Shiism) from any and all lands. The attack in Samarra has resulted in gruesome and indiscriminate Shiite relataliation on Sunni innocents and Sunni places of worship. This must be equally condemned and deplored.

This tide of abuse against Shiites is not limited to Muslim countries. Whereas violence against Shiites manifests itself in the form of targeted killings in Pakistan and in Iraq, violence against Shiites in the U.S. manifests itself in the form of hate speech.

On February 5, 2006, Shiites of New York City marked the martyrdom of Imam Husayn with a procession through the Upper East Side of Manhattan. It is a tradition that has occurred for many years without nary of a conflict.

This year a group calling itself the Islamic Thinkers Society staged a protest outside the procession to "expose Shiism and the filth they stand for" and to "show that these Shiite heretics do not represent Islam." Many of those present complained of being verbally threatened and the NYPD had to intervene to provide safety to the Shiite mourners.

Five years ago, acts like the protest in New York City were unheard of. Although a rift has always existed between Sunnis and Shiites in the United States, it never resulted in a confrontation against Shiites as we saw in New York.

Sadly, much of this hate speech has trickled down to college campuses where Muslim students are influenced by online learning academies like SunniPath that consider Shiites heretical people to be avoided. With such ideas being peddled, what options do Shiites have to dialogue with Sunnis?

In a survey The Qunoot Foundation conducted in 2004, about the socio-political perceptions of American Shiite Muslims, we found that most respondents did not report Shiite-Sunni relations as improving or becoming more friendly. Equally as troubling, Shiites were far less likely to report hate crimes to national, often Sunni-majority Muslim organizations.

Of course, these Muslim organizations will boast that they condemned the attacks. But it is all too easy to create a paper dragon and then slay it valiantly for the media's sake.

Indeed the majority of Sunnis denounce religious extremism or sectarian hate speech. But mainstream Muslim groups - the Muslim Public Affairs Council excluded - have failed to provide a space within their organizations to discuss intra-Muslim discrimination in the U.S. They have instead provided forums for vacuous dialogue in which the Sunni-Shiite problem is presented as a global sectarian problem where all parties deserve equal blame.

It is not. It is a problem of an unchecked (and thankfully still minority) Sunni bigotry that is festering in Muslim societies and in some parts of the West. Muslims owe it to themselves to admit that basic and crucial fact.

Mohamed H. Sabur is co-director of the Qunoot Foundation, a Washington-based organization focusing on sociopolitical education within the Shiite Muslim community.

Islamophobia, Ashura and some cartoons - Minnesota Daily

(Link: http://www.mndaily.com/articles/2006/02/09/67050)

Ashura marks the 10th day of the first Islamic month, Muharram, and is viewed as a signficant day.

By Mohamed H. Sabur

top. This madness, this destruction, this abhorrent violence needs to come to an end. Right now and today. The wanton destruction of diplomatic embassies, the burning of effigies and the calls for tit-for-tat responses to the horrendously offensive cartoons printed by Jyllands-Posten must stop here. Why? Because the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, the faith of Islam and the values of the world's great religions instruct us to behave better than this.

According to the Islamic holy book, the Quran, Prophet Muhammad was sent as a mercy to mankind. In a time when women were disrespected, infant girls were killed or mistreated simply because they were born female and slaves could not so much as stand next to their owners, the teachings of Prophet Muhammad came to correct these disdainful social norms and establish love, justice and kinship among human beings. The Prophet Muhammad was a man of mercy and kindness. The depiction presented by Jyllands-Posten could not have been further from the truth.

But at the same time, such provocations on the level of the 12 infamous cartoons can not be a green light for hatred and violence. These occurrences enrage some but should be viewed by all as opportunities for dialogue, for peaceful reconciliation and for the Muslim world to show its compassion toward removing the blindfold of ignorance.

In the midst of the religiopolitically charged atmosphere after last year's bombings in London and riots in France, the evident frustrations of the Muslim community should not have been taken lightly by Jyllands-Posten. Although the newspaper was free to publish those cartoons, it has a responsibility to consider how such cartoons propagate notions of Islamophobia so prevalent in European society.

"We find (the cartoons) offensive, and we certainly understand why Muslims would find these images offensive," the White House noted. "Anti-Muslim images are as unacceptable as anti-Semitic images, as anti-Christian images, or any other religious belief." If our American ideals of freedom of speech and freedom of press are anywhere near universal, then we must also recognize the responsibility of the press.

But why stop today? Why this odd Thursday in February? Because to the world's more than 1 billion Muslims, today also marks the day of Ashura, the 10th day of the first Islamic month, Muharram. Today is viewed as the most significant day for Muslims of all backgrounds outside of the month of Ramadan and serves as a lingering reminder of the brutality of force.

For many, this day marks when the Prophet Muhammad migrated from Mecca to Medina and observed the Jews of that city fasting in honor of God's deliverance of Moses and the children of Israel from the Pharaoh. The Prophet Muhammad, in recognizing the prophetic bonds of brotherhood between himself and Moses, as well as the importance of the Jews' deliverance from the atrocious Pharaoh, commanded the Muslims to observe the fast as well.

The day of Ashura also marks the martyrdom of Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad and the Third Shiite Imam. In his campaign for nonviolence and the establishment of justice against a tyrant ruler, he was forced to flee the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina. His pleas to the Muslim people from the sands of present-day Karbala, Iraq, to promote virtue and prohibit vice stand as a testament to the nobility of the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad. He and his family risked their lives to stand up for justice, a sacrifice that has resonated with Muslims and non-Muslims, including Mahatma Gandhi and Charles Dickens.

This important day not only shows how deep of a connection Islam and Judaism have with each other, but also tells of the universality of the message of the world's great faiths. They not only share an intimate history, but many revered prophets of God, who were committed to a world blessed with justice, compassion, security and welfare while making sure not a drop of blood was shed unjustly to achieve this.

It is unfortunate that many in the world ignore these ties and choose violence over peace, extremism over moderation and ignorance over dialogue and understanding. I hope this day will serve as a turning point for the recent disintegration of peace and understanding, and that the day of Ashura will act as a reminder to us all of the bonds of compassion our great traditions have imbued upon us.

Mohamed H. Sabur is co-director of the Qunoot Foundation and a University alumnus. Please send comments to letters@mndaily.com.